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The creation of an African ‘bloodstream’: Malaria control during the Hitler War, 1942–1945 (Part 3)
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Until 1942, Allied medics had distributed a daily dosage of five grains of quinine to all army personnel, but when supplies ran low, they experimented with synthesised versions of the drug. They tested two prototypes: quinacrine (reverse-engineered by Sterling Winthrop Co. from a captured German I. G. Farben product in 1941) and mepacrine (synthesised by Imperial Chemical Industries in 1939). British Army experiments showed that quinacrine was a superior antimalarial because it had few side effects, but mepacrine was in greater supply, so the Allied doctors in Accra settled on a daily dose of the latter by mid-1943. The White soldiers disliked mepacrine because it caused a yellowish pigmentation on their skin, but they were forced to take it every morning with their breakfast. African soldiers were required to take the drug too, but use of chemical prophylaxes stopped there. Despite the belief that the residents of Accra formed a reservoir for the disease, the Allies never considered offering malaria prophylaxes to their civilian employees or to the broader African community.
At the start of the campaign, the Allies hoped that chemical insecticides might help them avoid the expense of reengineering the Korle watershed. The Americans were especially interested in using a silver-bullet approach to control the local mosquito population because they did not want to fund infrastructure projects that they would have to abandon after the war. In April 1942, the US Army began spraying the larvicide Paris green on open water surrounding the barracks, and trucked pyrethrum aerosol bombs into British camps to clear the buildings of mosquitoes. They proceeded to spray all houses within a one-mile radius of the airport, three times a week. In 1944, when adequate supplies became available, they switched to spraying with dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethane (DDT), and by the end of the year, they were spraying all villages within an eight-mile radius of their camps, including the Accra city centre. Because DDT was not considered toxic to humans, the Malaria Control Group believed it was safe to disperse the chemical into water supplies. By 1944, the Allies commissioned a Piper J-3 cub to aerial spray the Korle, Kpeshi, and Klotey Lagoons, as well as partially spraying at the Sakumo Lagoon, several kilometres to the west of the city.
The spraying campaigns of 1942–45 were conducted at great expense in labour and materiel. For instance, during a three-month surge to eliminate the presence of mosquitoes and mosquito larvae at the airport in 1944, the Americans sprayed more than 1,000 pounds of Paris green, 2,000 pounds of pyrethrum, and 500 pounds of DDT, and they still found larvae in some of the streams leading into the lagoon. Major Macdonald had always believed that it would be cost effective to take the time to build drainage systems that would confine water to ditches and ponds, where smaller amounts of insecticides could be used, and as the war dragged on, the Americans too began to see the necessity of longer-term planning. In 1944, Allied engineers mapped out a pesticide spraying zone, re-dredged the sea outfall, and employed African crew to clear ditches and streams all the way up the Korle watershed. The Royal Army Medical Services followed up by spraying and oiling the waterways on a regular basis, a method that reduced the amount of pesticides used.
While the drainage scheme proceeded, Lt. Ribbands built his aforementioned Malaria Field Laboratory and began by collecting data about mosquito populations in the army camps. An expert on Anopheles gambiae, Lt. Ribbands had already researched the flight and biting habits of mosquitoes through a variety of experiments in India and West Africa, and his first step was to replicate a study that he had conducted in Sierra Leone, collecting mosquitoes from the Gold Coast Regiment barracks. The mosquito crew spread sheets on the floors of the tents and sprayed the air with pyrethrum or DDT to kill any insects inside. Afterward, Lt. Ribbands hired local men to pick up the mosquitoes and take them to a central laboratory at the airport for identification.
Lt. Ribbands and the malariologists expected to eliminate the mosquitoes around the Allied army barracks, but when he analysed the early results, he realised that the health of soldiers was still compromised by the in-flight of mosquitoes from nearby villages. According to the Allied records, the fear of contagion spurred the Malaria Control Group to relocate the villagers outside the airport to a newly conceived one-mile sanitary cordon. If this is true, then the Allies had extended the supposed flight range of a mosquito from one-quarter of a mile to a full mile and relocated the people of nearby Nima and Kanda because they had become “reservoirs of disease.” But though there are brief references to the planned evacuation of these nearby villages, no particular records demonstrate that a forced removal took place. If the evacuations did occur, they would have entailed the movement of hundreds of people (mostly Muslim newcomers to the city) by truck, as well as extensive documentation of claims for property. The lack of a paper trail raises the question of whether the residents of the villages were in fact relocated, but whether they were moved or not, a new spatial reckoning of Accra had been created because of the threat posed by infected mosquitoes.
Once he had established a cordon around the periphery of Korle Lagoon, Lt. Ribbands began to track the movements of Anopheles gambiae using his network of mosquito sheds. Built by African labourers in the employ of the British Army, the traps were single-room, timber-frame structures covered with screens and tar paper and fitted with baffles to let mosquitoes in at night. Ribbands modelled his traps on a prototype developed by American entomologist E. H. Magoon, but with a substantial difference: during his research in Jamaica, Magoon used only horses and mules to attract mosquitoes. Lt. Ribbands preferred human bait. Since he was largely concerned with studying the attraction of mosquitoes to White soldiers, it would have been logical to assign an American or British soldier to live in the traps, but the Allies were shorthanded, and Lt. Ribbands did not want to risk Allied airmen catching malaria. As a compromise, he hired African workers to sleep in the traps: “Africans selected as bait were chiefly men from the Northern Territories of the Gold Coast. They were chosen because most of them were homeless and it was felt that they would welcome the fine shelters provided by the mosquito traps, however, only those who could speak a few words of English were hired because they had to be able to understand the simple instructions. That the traps were home to these men was soon obvious when it was seen that they preferred to remain in the vicinity even during the daytime when they were not working.”
The choice of migrant workers as human bait is not surprising. These men go unnamed in the military records, but they were likely drawn from the same pool of immigrants recruited by the Gold Coast Medical Department as so-called volunteers in experiments at the Accra Laboratory during outbreaks of yellow fever and relapsing fever. But if they were homeless, as Ribbands suggested, it probably did not mean that they had nowhere to sleep. Newcomers to Accra usually were able to find a bed, even if that meant crowding in with their fellow migrants. And even if they did lack permanent residences, it is difficult to believe that they considered the traps desirable places to sleep. The sheds were small, filled with bugs, and lacking the benefit of the slightest breeze to cool the skin. It is also implausible that they thought of the traps as homes, considering that they were located in wooded areas and did not have locks to secure the doors. Moreover, the sheds were spread around a perimeter of several kilometres, and Lt. Ribbands rotated the men through the network of sheds at weekly intervals.
The military records also show that the hired bait did not always follow the rules. The men were required to stay in their sheds from sunset to sunrise. When they awoke, they were to leave the traps, carefully closing the baffles to catch the mosquitoes inside as they left, so that the spraying crew could lay down a tarpaulin, spray the sheds, and collect the insects. To monitor the sleeping patterns, Lt. Ribbands sent soldiers around the perimeter to ensure that the men serving as bait were actually sleeping in the traps and to prevent a reported “tendency to sit outside the trap at night”— an indication that the Africans who took part in the Malaria Control Group studies were not always willing and forthright participants. Though there is no record of outright resistance, the migrants did take measures to avoid mosquito bites and preserve their dignity.
[This piece is culled from a bookauthored by Jonathan Roberts, titled:Sharing the burden of sickness: A historyof healing and medicine in Accra]
“A woman who abandons her baby in a dustbin at Kasoa Lorry Station is not always a wicked woman. Sometimes, she is a wounded woman whose mind has broken, whose family has rejected her, and whose society has left her with only one terrible option: disappear or be disgraced.”
That is the hard truth Ghana must hear.
In the last 10 days alone, our nation has been confronted with the same painful headline, twice.
Case 1 – Kasoa Main Lorry Station, Central Region: A newborn baby girl was found abandoned inside a dustbin at the public toilet of the Kasoa Main Station. A woman who went to use the facility discovered the infant and raised an alarm. Commercial drivers and bystanders quickly retrieved the baby and rushed her to the Kasoa Polyclinic for emergency medical care.
Case 2 – Asante Bekwai, Ashanti Region: On Thursday morning, August 20, 2026, a two-week-old neonate was reportedly abandoned by an unknown nursing mother at Bekwai in the Ashanti Region. Residents who came across the child raised the alarm. The baby was admitted to the Bekwai Government Hospital as police commenced investigations.
Let me be clear from the start: Newborn abandonment is wrong. It is dangerous. It is criminal. And it can kill. This article does not excuse it. But if we only arrest and shame, we will never stop it. We must treat the root, not just punish the fruit.
What exactly is newborn abandonment? – The two definitions
The Legal Definition: Under Ghana’s Criminal Offences Act, 1960 (Act 29), Section 96, and the Children’s Act, 1998 (Act 560), abandonment of a child under 12 years is a criminal offence. It is classified as exposure and abandonment, punishable as a misdemeanor or felony. The law sees the mother as a perpetrator.
The Psychological definition: In clinical textbooks, newborn abandonment is defined as the intentional, permanent relinquishment of all parental rights, care, and responsibilities over an infant within the first 28 days of life without making formal, legal arrangements for care.
To understand this crisis properly, we must not confuse it with child abandonment. Newborn abandonment happens within 0-28 days of life, often driven by acute panic, denial of pregnancy, or postpartum psychosis where the attachment bond never formed. Child abandonment, on the other hand, involves toddlers to teenagers where a bond existed but collapsed over time due to chronic poverty, family breakdown, or parental burnout. One is an acute crisis of the first month; the other is a chronic breakdown over years. Both are harmful, but they need different interventions.
Psychologically, newborn abandonment is the ultimate rupture of the primary attachment bond. Think of a 19-year-old university student who secretly gives birth alone in her hostel room, wraps the crying baby in a polythene bag, and drops it at a refuse dump at midnight. That is not just a crime scene; it is a scene of extreme panic and psychological dissociation.
Why would a mother carry a baby for 9 months and then abandon it?
This is the question every Ghanaian asks. If you wanted to abandon it, why not abort? The answer is deeply psychological:
1. The psychodynamics of denial of pregnancy: This is a profound defense mechanism, not a lie. The mother’s subconscious mind completely rejects the reality of the pregnancy. She does not gain weight normally, feels no kicks, does not seek antenatal care, and genuinely convinces herself she is not pregnant until sudden, shocking labour pains take her by surprise in a toilet or bedroom.
2. Fantasy of a dissolving problem: This is called cognitive avoidance. She believes “my boyfriend will come back,” “my mother will forgive me,” or “something miraculous will happen before birth.” So she waits, paralyzed, until the baby is here.
3. Barriers to safe abortion: Deep religious guilt, moral anxiety, fear of dying from a back-alley abortion, lack of money for a safe procedure, and family laws force her to carry to term even when she feels incapable.
4. The shock of reality and acute panic: Upon delivery, the physical presence and crying of the newborn shatters all denial. Confronted with immediate exposure, shame, and reality, her brain enters a trauma response — “fight, flight, or freeze.” For many, it becomes “flight” — physically escape the threat of exposure to survive socially. That is why babies are left in places where others will find them -lorry stations, churches, hospitals.
Source:
Counselor Prince Offei, CPAC’s founder, is a leading Mental Health Professional, Marriage Counsellor, Author, ADR Expert/Arbitrator, and Spectator Newspaper Columnist. He writes on relationships, marriage, parenting, special needs support, and their connection to mental health. For therapy, counselling, or enquiries, contact Counselor Prince & Associates Consult (CPAC) in Accra on 0559850604 / 0551428486.
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Features
Environmental stewardship is an act of worship: The Islamic response to climate change, environmental degradation (Part 4)
The environmental consequences of illegal mining have reached alarming levels in Ghana. Several major rivers, including the Pra, Ankobra, Offin, Birim and Tano, have experienced significant pollution from illegal mining activities, increasing the cost and complexity of water treatment while threatening the availability of potable water for millions of citizens (Water Resources Commission, 2024; Ghana Water Limited, 2024). These developments underscore the urgent need for stronger environmental governance and collective action.
Islam equally emphasises accountability in governance. The Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) taught that every leader is responsible for those under his or her authority (Sahih al-Bukhari, Hadith 7138; Sahih Muslim, Hadith 1829). This principle extends to public officials entrusted with environmental regulation, traditional authorities responsible for communal lands, mining companies, local assemblies, and community leaders. Environmental protection cannot succeed
where accountability is absent.
At the same time, addressing galamsey requires more than law enforcement. Sustainable solutions must tackle the underlying socio-economic realities that drive individuals into illegal mining. Many young people are motivated by unemployment, poverty, and limited economic opportunities. Islamic principles of social justice therefore call for the creation of alternative livelihoods through sustainable agriculture, vocational training, responsible small-scale mining under strict environmental standards, entrepreneurship, and skills development. Environmental protection and economic empowerment should not be viewed as competing priorities but as complementary goals that promote human dignity and national development.
Faith communities also have an indispensable role to play. Mosques, churches, schools, traditional councils, and civil society organisations possess significant influence in shaping public attitudes and behaviours. Imams, in particular, should consistently remind congregations that wealth acquired through actions that destroy communities and Allah’s creation cannot be regarded as a blessing. Religious education should cultivate environmental ethics alongside spiritual devotion, reinforcing the understanding that protecting rivers, forests, and farmlands is an expression of gratitude to Allah and a fulfilment of the trust of Khalifah.
Ultimately, the struggle against galamsey is more than a campaign to protect natural resources; it is a struggle to uphold justice, preserve human dignity, and honour the trust that Allah has placed upon humanity. Lasting solutions will require strong governance, responsible citizenship, sustainable economic opportunities, and renewed moral leadership. Only when these elements
work together can Ghana safeguard its natural heritage for present and future generations.
Water conservation, waste management and sustainable development: Practical expressions of Islamic stewardship
Religious education should cultivate environmental ethics alongside spiritual devotion, reinforcing the understanding that protecting rivers, forests, and farmlands is an expression of gratitude to Allah and a fulfilment of the trust of Khalifah.
Ultimately, the struggle against galamsey is more than a campaign to protect natural resources; it is a struggle to uphold justice, preserve human dignity, and honour the trust that Allah has placed upon humanity. Lasting solutions will require strong governance, responsible citizenship, sustainable economic opportunities, and renewed moral leadership. Only when these elements
work together can Ghana safeguard its natural heritage for present and future generations.
Islam is not merely a religion that condemns environmental destruction; it also provides practical guidance for preserving and sustaining the natural world. Through its teachings on moderation, cleanliness, conservation, and responsible consumption, Islam cultivates an environmental ethic that remains remarkably relevant to contemporary challenges such as water scarcity, pollution, waste management, and climate change. These teachings encourage Muslims to become
responsible custodians of Allah’s creation in both private and public life.
Water conservation: A sacred responsibility
Water occupies a unique position in Islam as the source of life and an essential element of worship. Allah says, “And We made from water every living thing. Then will they not believe?” (Qur’an 21:30, Sahih International). This verse reminds believers that water is not merely an economic resource but a divine blessing upon which all living creatures depend. The importance of water is further reflected in Islamic acts of worship. Muslims perform ablution (wudu) before the five daily prayers and ritual bathing (ghusl) under prescribed circumstances.
Yet, despite its central role in purification, Islam strongly discourages wastefulness. The Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) once advised one of his companions not to waste water while performing ablution, even when using water from a flowing river (Sunan Ibn Majah, Hadith 425). This timeless guidance establishes the principle that abundance does not justify extravagance.
Conservation remains a religious obligation regardless of the apparent availability of natural resources.
This Prophetic teaching carries profound implications for contemporary Ghana. Illegal mining has severely polluted many rivers, increasing the cost of water treatment and limiting access to safe drinking water for numerous communities. Climate change has also intensified seasonal variability in rainfall, placing additional pressure on freshwater resources (IPCC, 2023). Against this
backdrop, conserving water is no longer simply an environmental preference—it is a moral imperative grounded in Islamic teaching.
Water conservation should therefore become a shared responsibility among households, educational institutions, industries, and places of worship. Simple practices such as repairing leaking pipes, harvesting rainwater, protecting riverbanks, avoiding contamination of water bodies, and promoting efficient irrigation contribute to safeguarding one of Allah’s greatest blessings. Every effort to preserve water is an investment in public health, food security, and the
wellbeing of future generations.
Unfortunately, indiscriminate disposal of refuse remains a significant challenge in many communities. Plastic waste clogs drainage systems, contributes to flooding during the rainy season, pollutes rivers and beaches, and threatens marine ecosystems. Open burning of waste further degrades air quality and poses serious health risks, particularly for children and the elderly (UNEP,2024).
The author is Chief Imam of Katamanso Municipal and Certified Counsellor and Governnace Expert.
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