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A dilemma called Ghana (Part 3)

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• The Independence Arch

The Independence Arch

In response to the first two parts of the above heading, a young banker sent me an email expressing amaze­ment at the narratives because he did not live through the periods and heard very scanty accounts. He was sure he did not glean much from history textbooks.

I am encouraged by such responses because, having read many books on our country’s history, I came to the sad realization that many of the authors were influenced by their political, eco­nomic, or emotional biases. Historical narratives must be devoid of these.

I recall that when I stated factually that it was not Tetteh Quarshie who introduced cocoa to this country, I was almost taken to the cleaners by some people who claimed to be descend­ants of Tetteh Quarshie until I referred them to the evidence. But I have always given credit to Tetteh Quarshie for the variety he brought from Fernan­do Po, which was bigger and contained more beans than the smaller, elongated variety in the Gold Coast at the time.

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Now, General Acheampong’s UN­IGOV idea was shelved with a palace coup led by General F. W. K. Akuffo, a member of the governing SMC, that kicked him out and banished him to a forlorn enclave at Asuogyaman.

General Akuffo laid out plans for a return to constitutional democracy. A new constitution was drafted, and Ghanaians looked eagerly forward to electing their own rulers.

But there was a blot on the image of our soldiers. Having tasted power, many of them became more corrupt than the civilians, issuing out cheats for essential commodities to their favourites and lackeys.

But the citizens were just fed up with the men in uniform and were bid­ing their time for them to head back to their barracks. It was a moment in our history when respect for soldiers hit a low point. Even military uniforms were being sold in the markets. Women could openly insult the men in uniform.

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Then, just a few months before the general elections, on May 15, 1979, there was an attempt to overthrow the SMC junta. Political parties were cam­paigning in earnest. My sympathy was for the Action Congress Party (ACP), led by Colonel Frank George Bernasco. I simply loved and respected Bernasco.

The next edition of the Daily Graphic had a picture of a certain Flt. Lt. J. J. Rawlings, who was responsible for the coup attempt. When I saw the picture, I quickly remembered that I had seen him at the Officers Mess in Accra when I went to visit a senior who was himself a military officer. I saw the lanky, almost Caucasian figure sitting at a table with dark glasses that I thought were too large for his face.

He had crossed his legs on the ta­ble and used the cutlery as drumsticks, tapping on the edge of the table. He was in mufti, so I asked my host if chil­dren of diplomats had access to their Mess. His response in a low tone was, “That guy is a Flying Officer. Won the Speedbird trophy in airmanship. He’s called Rawlings.”

The public’s reaction was mixed. What in the devil’s name was this airman up to? The nation had had more than enough of these soldiers. The sol­diers wanted to perpetuate themselves in power. What was going to happen with the elections around the corner? There were too many unanswered questions. Foreign media were in a frenzy in their condemnation of the attempt to derail the march to consti­tutional democracy.

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Rawlings and a handful of sol­diers were arrested and put on trial. He admitted being solely responsible and asked the military tribunal to set his men free. I think it was by divine providence that the trial was open to the public because Rawlings spoke about what was eating the other ranks up inside.

It was on the day Rawlings and his men were going to be sentenced to death that some junior officers went to free him from the cells of the Bureau of National Investigations (BNI), and so was the launch of what came to be known as the June 4 Uprising. An Armed Forces Revolutionary Council (AFRC) was to replace the SMC.

A housecleaning exercise was launched to cleanse the rot within the Armed Forces. According to Raw­lings, there was a need to go back to the barracks on a clean slate. Some former military heads of state and a few other senior members of the SMC were put to the stakes and executed by firing squad. This marked a rather harrowing epoch in our nation’s history.

Students from all walks of life took to the streets in support of the Rev­olution and chanted, “Let the blood flow.” Women traders who were caught selling above reasonable prices were, in some cases, stripped and whipped by overzealous revolutionaries. Mako­la Number One market, suspected to be a citadel of profiteering by market women, was razed to the ground. It became known as Rawlings Park, albeit unofficially.

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I have devoted this write-up to the June 4 era because last Sunday was ex­actly 44 years since that event. Ghana­ians braced themselves to endure the excesses of the moment in the hope that the elections, which the AFRC guaranteed would take place so that they could get on with their civil lives.

The AFRC set up tribunals that handed down outrageously long prison terms to some operatives of the SMC, mainly senior military officers. These trials were not held in public, though. Businessmen who were suspected of profiteering were picked up by soldiers and taken to Gondar Barracks and “drilled” military-style.

But one thing that caught my inter­est was what Rawlings said at his trial. He said something to the effect that the ordinary Ghanaian could hardly afford a decent meal while the senior officers were living well, and also that the military was going back to the barracks with a dent on their image. This was what resonated with the other ranks, students, and anyone with a conscience for justice.

When I asked Rawlings later where he got the courage to make such a statement, he told me, “Chief, I was terrified of the consequences of my ac­tion on May 15 after my arrest. I knew I was going to get shot after the trial. Gbɔ kuku mevɔna hɛo, so I had nothing to lose. If that happened, Ghanaians would remember me for seeking jus­tice for the downtrodden.”

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Translated, the Ewe he spoke means that a dead goat fears no knife. Since he was sure to face the firing squad, he did not need to hold any­thing back.

As events unfolded, Rawlings car­ried a nation that needed redemption along with the Revolution. Ghanaians called him “Junior Jesus” and latched onto everything he said. If there were dissenters, they did not openly express themselves, perhaps for fear of being picked up.

True to its words, the AFRC allowed the general elections to go ahead. For the second time, I voted in a general election; of course, for Bernasco and his Action Congress Party (ACP). I was, however, amazed that the ACP won all ten constituencies in the Central Region and none in any other regions.

The People’s National Party (PNP), led by Dr. Hilla Limman, won the elec­tions, and he was eventually sworn in as President.

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Rawlings and his men retired to join their units in the Armed Forces. At the handover, Rawlings told the new president that Ghana was looking up to him to deliver and that they were going back to the barracks with the hu­mility with which they came to power.

The first major action of President Limman was to retire Rawlings and members of the AFRC, and their known operatives. The death knell of the PNP administration was thus sounded. The excuse of the government was that, as a former head of state, Rawlings could not be in a subservient position. Rawl­ings rejected a hundred thousand-dol­lar offer to go and study abroad as his retirement package, which to him would have been a sellout.

Perhaps due to the revolution, Rawlings was seen as a threat to the Limman administration, so the Military Intelligence (MI) was tasked with keep­ing Rawlings and Captain Kojo Tsikata in their sights.

Kojo Tsikata was blatantly trailed, and when he eventually swerved them, the MI boss, Col. Annor Odjija, was re­ported to have told Limman that once they lost Tsikata, his government was in trouble.

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When Odjija fled to Togo, Kojo Tsikata was leaving Lome for Accra when 31st December happened.

Writer’s email address:

akofa45@yahoo.com

By Dr. Akofa K. Segbefia

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A focus on the Apostolic Church in Finland

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Some members of the Apostolic Church in Finland

Today, I focus on the Apostolic Church International in Finland, as I continue with my description of institutions and personalities and their accomplishments as members of the Ghanaian Diaspora in Finland.

The Apostolic Church International, Finland (or, Apostolic International Association Ry) was established in October 9, 2023. The Church in Finland has seen significant strides and accomplishments within the short time that it has been established in Finland, which must be highlighted. 

History of the Church in Ghana

The Apostolic Church Ghana originated from the 1904–1905 Welsh revival, officially established in Ghana (then called Gold Coast) in 1935 following connections between a local prayer group in Asamankese (a town in southern Ghana), led by Peter Newman Anim, and the Apostolic Church, UK. There were historical splits in 1939 and 1953, but the Apostolic Church attained autonomy in 1985.

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Today, the Church is headquartered in Accra. Last year (2025), it dedicated its new 10-storey headquarters, “The Apostolic Church Tower,” in Frafraha, Adenta West in Accra. 

Activities of the Apostolic Church in Finland

The Apostolic Church in Finland conducts church service on Sundays. The service starts at 11a.m. in the morning and closes by 1 p.m. in the afternoon. There are no other activities during other days for now.

The Minister in charge of the church in Finland is also the Area Head of Italy Area. He is Pastor Daniel Kofi Addison who is the new Italy Area Head, and has just been transferred from UK South Area to Italy Area during the just-ended Council Meeting in March this year. Italy Area comprises Italy, which has 13 Assemblies, Germany, one Assembly, and Finland, one Assembly.  

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Elder Ebenezer Amoaning-Coffie is the Presiding Elder in charge of the Assembly in Finland. A Presiding Elder is responsible for day to day activities of the church (Assembly) and reports to the District Pastor, or in the absence of the District Pastor, reports to the Area Head.

Achievements

The Apostolic Church International, Finland was officially registered under the Finnish Law, guaranteeing freedom of worship and providing legal foundation for future growth. The church service is conducted in both English and Twi.

The church opens its doors to all people of every nation, especially Ghanaians who are in Finland and other African nationals. Now, the membership comprises Ghanaians, Nigerians and Sierra Leoneans.

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The Church and the Ghanaian migrant community in Finland

The Apostolic Church in Finland plays a prominent role as a religious group that serves Ghanaian migrants and others in the Finnish society.

Thus, the Apostolic Church is a religious body for Ghanaian migrants in Finland and other nationalities who want to worship with them for diversity and better intercultural and multicultural understanding.

Elder Amoaning-Coffie said that the main and primary aim of the church is to bring people closer to God. “We aim to win souls for Christ. We aim to preach the gospel to the world. By propagating the gospel to the people, we are hopeful that they will turn away from any ungodly ways and be good individuals in the community and in society in general”, he stated.

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He said that everything is going well so far. A key challenge, however, is how to get more members especially the youth. As a new Assembly, we are in need of instrumentalists, for example. We pray to God Almighty to help us do His work, the Elder disclosed.

Integration

By its activities, the Apostolic Church is helping to ensure integration of its members well into the Finish society. This is important since social interaction and citizens’ well-being are an important part of the integration process in Finland.

As I mentioned some time ago, the role of migrant associations and groups such as the Apostolic Church acting as bridge-builders for the integration and inclusion of migrants through participation in the decision making process and by acting as a representative voice is highly appreciated in Finland. Thank you!

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With Dr Perpetual Crentsil

perpetual.crentsil@yahoo.com

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Promoting our local dishes: The cultural cost of the ‘Continental’ diet

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The landscape of the Ghanaian palate is shifting, and not necessarily for the better. In our bustling urban centres, from the streets of Accra to the suburbs of Kumasi, a quiet culinary revolution is taking place; one where the mortar and pestle are being replaced by the pizza oven and the deep fryer. This transition from traditional staple foods like fufu, banku, akple, kenkey, tuo zaafi, and ampesi toward “continental” dishes is more than just a change in appetite; it is a reflection of a deeper social struggle with identity and prestige.

The illusion of modernity

For many, “stepping out” for a meal has become synonymous with consuming foreign cuisine. There is an unspoken social hierarchy where a bowl of Abunuabunu is relegated to the village category, while burgers, pizzas are branded as prestigious choices. We have reached a stage where we equate foreign with modern and local with primitive.

​This perception is a dangerous illusion. Our traditional dishes are marvels of culinary engineering complex, nutrient-dense, and deeply rooted in our history. When we choose a processed foreign import over a meal made from local tubers or fermented maize, we are not just changing our lunch; we are eroding the indigenous knowledge attached to our local ingredients and foods.

We need to turn the consumption of indigenous grains and tubers like millet, sorghum, and plantain into a statement of self-worth and national pride.

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The cultural and health erosion

Every time a local dish disappears from a restaurant menu to make room for foreign fast food, we lose a piece of our cultural fabric. Traditional Ghanaian cooking is an art that requires patience and skill. By choosing the convenience of foreign fast food, we are raising a generation that may know the taste of a pepperoni pizza but cannot identify the rich, earthy profile of Prekese or the subtle tang of well-fermented dough dishes like corn porridge, banku, etew, abolo, agidi or kamfa, and kenkey.

Furthermore, we are at the crossroads of a nutrition transition. Replacing high-fiber, indigenous crops with calorie-dense but nutrient-poor foreign fast foods is driving a rise in lifestyle diseases such as obesity, hypertension, diabetes, stroke, cancer, and liver disease. We are trading our longevity for 15-minutes convenience or unhealthy diet.

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A call for culinary patriotism

​It is time for us to appreciate, preserve, and promote our indigenous foods and culinary traditions. We need to be proud of our local dishes, ingredients and cooking methods, rather than relying heavily on foreign or imported foods. We must stop viewing our local delicacies as low-class and start treating our culinary heritage as the high-end gastronomy it truly is.

True sophistication does not come from imitating Western fast food; it comes from innovation and adding values to our own resources. We see glimpses of this potential in the rise of branded Sobolo and the creative use of gluten-free plantain flour in modern baking of flour-based dishes such as bread, cakes, biscuits and others. This is the path forward. We must elevate our local dishes, making them as accessible, affordable, presentable and trendy as any foreign alternative.

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To the hospitality industry: Innovate or stagnate

​Our hotels and high-end restaurants must lead the charge. They must stop relegating local dishes to the “traditional corner” of the buffet, and apply the same culinary finesse given to imported dishes to our Fante Fante, apapransa, aborbi tadi, fetritoto, akple, abolo, yakayeke, fufu, ampesi, kokonte, wasawasa, tubani, apapransa, mpotompoto, kelewele, aliha, brukutu, pito, and other local dishes. The industry must enhance customer experiences making eating local dishes the ultimate luxury experience for both tourists and residents alike. We must elevate the presentation of our foods by using modern plating techniques to show that a bowl of light soup can be as visually stunning as a French consommé. We need to reclaim our Ghanaian plate before it is too late.

To the policy makers: Let us encourage buying of local ingredients to promote the local food industry and economy. There should be educational programmes and talks about the nutritional and cultural benefits of local foods so that people understand their value.

We need to encourage serving traditional dishes at school programmes, parties, and celebrations instead of only fast foods,

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To the Youth: Let us value and appreciate our traditional dishes instead of always choosing foreign foods. There must be balance in our choice of local and foreign dishes. Confidence in our culture encourages others to respect it too. Our local dishes can also be promoted by sharing pictures, recipes, and videos on platforms such as Instagram, TikTok, and WhatsApp to make them attractive and trendy.

Young citizens must learn from their parents and elders how to prepare local meals to keep the knowledge and cultural relevance alive. Local dishes can be modernised to appeal to younger generations and tourists.

Conclusion

We cannot afford to trade our heritage for foreign cuisines which are gaining grounds across the country at an alarming rate. We must disabuse our minds of the perception that anything foreign or imported is better than those locally made. Our health, economy, and identity are tied to the soil. It is time to stop apologising for our local flavours and start celebrating them. It is possible to embrace modernity without losing ourselves and our cultural identity. Let us make the Ghanaian kitchen the heart of our modern identity once again.

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By: Marilyn Gadogbe

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