Features
KIA: Tear down this name! (Part 2)
The first part of this article discussed how Ghana’s founding father, Osagyefo Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, showed unprecedented leadership and urgency in his attempt to industrialise the country to fast-track its development.
Within a very short time, he completed a number of gigantic and strategic projects, including the Tema township and industrial area, Akosombo Hydro-Electric Dam, as well as the Ghana Atomic Energy Programme at Kwabenya, Accra.But the focus of last week’s article was on the Kotoka International Airport and its name. It is a misnomer. Let me explain.
It was Nkrumah who, in 1958, restructured a former British military base into an international airport as part of a master development plan employed to make Ghana a beacon for the rest of Africa. The facility was named the Accra International Airport. However, under very unjustifiable circumstances, the name was changed to Kotoka International Airport. And this is how.
Nkrumah’s stature was rising fast worldwide, but his alliance with communist China and the Soviet Union, as well as his vociferous and relentless anti-imperialist tirades against the Western powers, infuriated them so badly that they wanted to get rid of him, dead, or alive.
And so, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA), America’s intelligence agency and the M16, their British counterparts, engineered a military cum police coup, led by Lt. Col Emmanuel Kwasi Kotoka, and ousted Nkrumah from office while he was away to North Vietnam on a peace mission.
In fact, the very day Nkrumah left, that is, February 21, 1966,Kotoka and his gang met and selected Lt. General J.A. Arthur, who had been forcefully retired by Nkrumah, as head of the junta, thus, the head of state. They successfully staged their coup on February 24, 1966; banned the CPP, Nkrumah’s party, and established a military cum police government called the National Liberation Council, (NLC).
The role of the US, and their Western allies, especially, Great Britain, has since been revealed in declassified documents. Some of the documents suggest that the US and the UK even discussed a plan “to induce a chain reaction eventually leading to Nkrumah’s downfall.”
In fact, Nkrumah was suspicious of the US and, on February 26, 1964, two years before the coup, wrote about his apprehensions to U.S. President Lyndon Johnson criticising “two conflicting (US) establishments” operating in Ghana.
Explaining his point, he wrote further: “There is the United States Embassy as a diplomatic institution doing formal diplomatic business with us; there is also the C.I.A. organisation which functions presumably within or outside this recognised body. This latter organisation, that is, the C.I.A., seems to devote all its attention to fomenting ill-will, misunderstanding and even clandestine and subversive activities among our people, to the impairment of the good relations which exist between our two Governments.”
And how true his observation proved to be! With the CIA’s help, the NLC did seize power. Kotoka delivered its maiden national broadcast, saying: “Fellow citizens of Ghana, I have come to inform you that the military, in cooperation with the Ghana Police, have taken over the Government of Ghana today. The myth surrounding Nkrumah has been broken. Parliament has been dissolved, and Kwame Nkrumah has been dismissed from office. All ministers are also dismissed from office. The CPP is disbanded with effect from now. It will be illegal for any person to belong to it.”
Urged on by their Western sponsors, the NLC immediately began a systematic programme to discredit Nkrumah, and everything he stood for. And they did that with unconscionable and ferocious glee!
In no time, the IMF whose prescriptions Nkrumah vehemently opposed as anti-African, came to Ghana to establish what they called “a very close collaboration” with the new government. But it turned out to be total control of the economy and austerity measures. With the novices in government unskilled in the affairs of state, things took a turn for the worse.
The CPP’s industrialisation drive was replaced with a mad rush for Ghana’s natural resources led by foreign companies and their Ghanaian cronies, including members of the military elite. Many state-run infrastructural projects, geared towards Nkrumah’s plan of competing globally, were abandoned just because they were carried out with a “communist” flavour.
Silos built for buffer stock were left in ruins. Viable projects like the State Farms were privatised or cancelled, causing newly purchased equipment to be discarded in fields to rust. A fleet of fishing vessels acquired for the State Fishing Corporation to boost Ghana’s fishing industry, was grounded and left weather-beaten.
The operators comprising 350 Soviet crew members and technicians, were all repatriated, effectively bringing the fishing industry to a screeching halt. Massive importation of fish, coupled with increase in food prices, ensued.
Just two-and-a-half years after the coup, the IMF supervised the dismissal of over 66,000 workers, constituting almost 10 per cent of the total wage-labour force, 36 per cent of these in the Accra area alone. Employment in the private commercial sector also fell by almost 50 per cent.”
Strikes became widespread and the military junta responded the way they knew best – in brute fashion – making incitement to general strike a crime punishable by 25+ years in prison, or by death.
Nkrumah introduced the dreaded Preventive Detention Act (PDA) under which people perceived to be anti-government, were incarcerated without trial. But Kotoka and his clique were no different. They reneged on their promise to “liberate” Ghanaians from oppression, and instead, enacted a similar draconian decree called the “Prohibition of Rumour Decree” in October 1966 only eight months in office.
The decree authorised 28 days of detention and up to three years in prison for journalists who might “cause alarm and despondency,” “disturb the public peace,” or “cause disaffection against the N.L.C,” ambiguous edicts whose interpretation the junta arrogated to itself. Under these provisions, four editors from three leading newspapers were fired for criticising the NLC.
While majority were suffering, the military, as well as the police, were exempted from taxation; given cash bonuses of undisclosed value, and entitled to various public amenities, such as free rent, electricity, and conservancy services. All these were part of a package for participating in the interruption of Ghana’s fledgling democracy deceptively labelled “liberation.”
The coup plotters promoted themselves to higher ranks such that eventually, all had become some sort of General. Afrifa became a general before he hit age 35. Between 1966 and 1969, military spending doubled.
This is the legacy of Kotoka, yet, his name is so conspicuously emblazoned across the façade of the airport But how come, when he contributed nothing to the airport? Worse still, when he lost all honour by betraying Ghana to foreign spies which is high treason?
It so happened that on April 17, 1967, he was killed in an abortive counter-coup, and his comrades-in-arms thought it fit to honour him by naming the airport after him. That is where the evil lies.
Have we ever paused to consider, that Nkrumah bequeathed to us a name and fame that continue to attract people from the diaspora to the country? And have we thought about how misplaced it is for Ghana’s premier airport to greet these visitors with the name of a traitor who betrayed the country they love to visit for Nkrumah’s sake? This is sickening.
Was Nkrumah an angel? No! Was he autocratic? Yes, we may say so. He even declared himself President-for-life. But he was a benevolent despot. His intention was to quash unnecessary opposition and create the space to pursue a rapid transformation of the country to enable it to stand toe-to-toe with the developed world.
Singapore’s first Prime Minister, Lee Kuan Yew, Nkrumah’s contemporary, was an autocrat who ruled for 31 years. But he proved how autocracy could be beneficial. At the end of his rule in 1990, he had transformed Singapore into the most developed country in South-East Asia, rivalled only by Hong Kong. Though autocratic, Lee was revered as a statesman because he used autocracy for the good of his people.
Mahathir Mohammed who ruled Malaysia with an iron fist for 24 years in two phases of 22 years and two years, is another example of an autocrat who transformed his country into a modern industrialised economy that produces its own automobiles fuelled by oil palm that it imported from Ghana.
But as the Bible declares, “a prophet is not acceptable in his own country.” Nkrumah was over 50 years ahead of his time, and we did not understand him. Soon after he left, the national cry became:“Me yere dada eeei, san b3ware me, foforo a cbaa y3 no, ade3 a ccy3 no maninngyeho koraa,” meaning, “My ex-wife, please come back and marry me because I am not pleased at all with the way the new one treats me.”That mournful tone has persisted until now.
The military are paid to defend us against external aggression, not to betray their nation. Kotoka reneged on his oath of allegiance. He did not defend Ghana, He betrayed us. So, KIA: Tear down this name!
Contact:teepeejubilee@yahoo.co.uk
By Tony Prempeh
Today, I focus on the Apostolic Church International in Finland, as I continue with my description of institutions and personalities and their accomplishments as members of the Ghanaian Diaspora in Finland.
The Apostolic Church International, Finland (or, Apostolic International Association Ry) was established in October 9, 2023. The Church in Finland has seen significant strides and accomplishments within the short time that it has been established in Finland, which must be highlighted.
History of the Church in Ghana
The Apostolic Church Ghana originated from the 1904–1905 Welsh revival, officially established in Ghana (then called Gold Coast) in 1935 following connections between a local prayer group in Asamankese (a town in southern Ghana), led by Peter Newman Anim, and the Apostolic Church, UK. There were historical splits in 1939 and 1953, but the Apostolic Church attained autonomy in 1985.
Today, the Church is headquartered in Accra. Last year (2025), it dedicated its new 10-storey headquarters, “The Apostolic Church Tower,” in Frafraha, Adenta West in Accra.
Activities of the Apostolic Church in Finland
The Apostolic Church in Finland conducts church service on Sundays. The service starts at 11a.m. in the morning and closes by 1 p.m. in the afternoon. There are no other activities during other days for now.
The Minister in charge of the church in Finland is also the Area Head of Italy Area. He is Pastor Daniel Kofi Addison who is the new Italy Area Head, and has just been transferred from UK South Area to Italy Area during the just-ended Council Meeting in March this year. Italy Area comprises Italy, which has 13 Assemblies, Germany, one Assembly, and Finland, one Assembly.
Elder Ebenezer Amoaning-Coffie is the Presiding Elder in charge of the Assembly in Finland. A Presiding Elder is responsible for day to day activities of the church (Assembly) and reports to the District Pastor, or in the absence of the District Pastor, reports to the Area Head.
Achievements
The Apostolic Church International, Finland was officially registered under the Finnish Law, guaranteeing freedom of worship and providing legal foundation for future growth. The church service is conducted in both English and Twi.
The church opens its doors to all people of every nation, especially Ghanaians who are in Finland and other African nationals. Now, the membership comprises Ghanaians, Nigerians and Sierra Leoneans.
The Church and the Ghanaian migrant community in Finland
The Apostolic Church in Finland plays a prominent role as a religious group that serves Ghanaian migrants and others in the Finnish society.
Thus, the Apostolic Church is a religious body for Ghanaian migrants in Finland and other nationalities who want to worship with them for diversity and better intercultural and multicultural understanding.
Elder Amoaning-Coffie said that the main and primary aim of the church is to bring people closer to God. “We aim to win souls for Christ. We aim to preach the gospel to the world. By propagating the gospel to the people, we are hopeful that they will turn away from any ungodly ways and be good individuals in the community and in society in general”, he stated.
He said that everything is going well so far. A key challenge, however, is how to get more members especially the youth. As a new Assembly, we are in need of instrumentalists, for example. We pray to God Almighty to help us do His work, the Elder disclosed.
Integration
By its activities, the Apostolic Church is helping to ensure integration of its members well into the Finish society. This is important since social interaction and citizens’ well-being are an important part of the integration process in Finland.
As I mentioned some time ago, the role of migrant associations and groups such as the Apostolic Church acting as bridge-builders for the integration and inclusion of migrants through participation in the decision making process and by acting as a representative voice is highly appreciated in Finland. Thank you!
With Dr Perpetual Crentsil
The landscape of the Ghanaian palate is shifting, and not necessarily for the better. In our bustling urban centres, from the streets of Accra to the suburbs of Kumasi, a quiet culinary revolution is taking place; one where the mortar and pestle are being replaced by the pizza oven and the deep fryer. This transition from traditional staple foods like fufu, banku, akple, kenkey, tuo zaafi, and ampesi toward “continental” dishes is more than just a change in appetite; it is a reflection of a deeper social struggle with identity and prestige.
The illusion of modernity
For many, “stepping out” for a meal has become synonymous with consuming foreign cuisine. There is an unspoken social hierarchy where a bowl of Abunuabunu is relegated to the village category, while burgers, pizzas are branded as prestigious choices. We have reached a stage where we equate foreign with modern and local with primitive.
This perception is a dangerous illusion. Our traditional dishes are marvels of culinary engineering complex, nutrient-dense, and deeply rooted in our history. When we choose a processed foreign import over a meal made from local tubers or fermented maize, we are not just changing our lunch; we are eroding the indigenous knowledge attached to our local ingredients and foods.
We need to turn the consumption of indigenous grains and tubers like millet, sorghum, and plantain into a statement of self-worth and national pride.
The cultural and health erosion
Every time a local dish disappears from a restaurant menu to make room for foreign fast food, we lose a piece of our cultural fabric. Traditional Ghanaian cooking is an art that requires patience and skill. By choosing the convenience of foreign fast food, we are raising a generation that may know the taste of a pepperoni pizza but cannot identify the rich, earthy profile of Prekese or the subtle tang of well-fermented dough dishes like corn porridge, banku, etew, abolo, agidi or kamfa, and kenkey.
Furthermore, we are at the crossroads of a nutrition transition. Replacing high-fiber, indigenous crops with calorie-dense but nutrient-poor foreign fast foods is driving a rise in lifestyle diseases such as obesity, hypertension, diabetes, stroke, cancer, and liver disease. We are trading our longevity for 15-minutes convenience or unhealthy diet.
A call for culinary patriotism
It is time for us to appreciate, preserve, and promote our indigenous foods and culinary traditions. We need to be proud of our local dishes, ingredients and cooking methods, rather than relying heavily on foreign or imported foods. We must stop viewing our local delicacies as low-class and start treating our culinary heritage as the high-end gastronomy it truly is.
True sophistication does not come from imitating Western fast food; it comes from innovation and adding values to our own resources. We see glimpses of this potential in the rise of branded Sobolo and the creative use of gluten-free plantain flour in modern baking of flour-based dishes such as bread, cakes, biscuits and others. This is the path forward. We must elevate our local dishes, making them as accessible, affordable, presentable and trendy as any foreign alternative.
To the hospitality industry: Innovate or stagnate
Our hotels and high-end restaurants must lead the charge. They must stop relegating local dishes to the “traditional corner” of the buffet, and apply the same culinary finesse given to imported dishes to our Fante Fante, apapransa, aborbi tadi, fetritoto, akple, abolo, yakayeke, fufu, ampesi, kokonte, wasawasa, tubani, apapransa, mpotompoto, kelewele, aliha, brukutu, pito, and other local dishes. The industry must enhance customer experiences making eating local dishes the ultimate luxury experience for both tourists and residents alike. We must elevate the presentation of our foods by using modern plating techniques to show that a bowl of light soup can be as visually stunning as a French consommé. We need to reclaim our Ghanaian plate before it is too late.
To the policy makers: Let us encourage buying of local ingredients to promote the local food industry and economy. There should be educational programmes and talks about the nutritional and cultural benefits of local foods so that people understand their value.
We need to encourage serving traditional dishes at school programmes, parties, and celebrations instead of only fast foods,
To the Youth: Let us value and appreciate our traditional dishes instead of always choosing foreign foods. There must be balance in our choice of local and foreign dishes. Confidence in our culture encourages others to respect it too. Our local dishes can also be promoted by sharing pictures, recipes, and videos on platforms such as Instagram, TikTok, and WhatsApp to make them attractive and trendy.
Young citizens must learn from their parents and elders how to prepare local meals to keep the knowledge and cultural relevance alive. Local dishes can be modernised to appeal to younger generations and tourists.
Conclusion
We cannot afford to trade our heritage for foreign cuisines which are gaining grounds across the country at an alarming rate. We must disabuse our minds of the perception that anything foreign or imported is better than those locally made. Our health, economy, and identity are tied to the soil. It is time to stop apologising for our local flavours and start celebrating them. It is possible to embrace modernity without losing ourselves and our cultural identity. Let us make the Ghanaian kitchen the heart of our modern identity once again.
By: Marilyn Gadogbe
