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The creation of an African ‘bloodstream’: Malaria control during the Hitler War, 1942–1945 (Part 4)

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[This piece is culled from a book authored by Jonathan Roberts, titled: Sharing the burden of sickness: A history of healing and medicine in Accra]
Though Lt. Ribbands and his fellow malariologists were tasked with fighting the spread of malaria, they were not particularly interested in whether the men used as human bait contracted the disease. None of the men who slept in the mosquito traps were named, nor is there any mention of whether they fell ill. The express purpose of the anopheline index was to collect entomological data to determine which parts of the Korle watershed to target with pesticides and larvicides. Nor was Ribbands particularly interested in spraying campaigns’ effects on the local population. The Malaria Control Group sprayed DDT on African houses and into wells and ponds without asking because it was the only way to break the 14-day larvae-mosquito-human cycle of malaria transmission, thereby clearing incubated plasmodia from what Ribbands called the African “bloodstream.” At the same time as they mapped out the habitat of the mosquito, Lt. Ribbands and the Allied malariologists began to think of the inhabitants of Accra as a reservoir of malaria—one that could be cleansed with the liberal application of chemicals.
The residents of the old quarters of Accra did not share Lt. Ribbands’s enthusiasm for malaria control. Having endured the indignity of sanitary inspections, they were reluctant to let the spraying crew into their compounds.
Details about local resistance are limited because there are no memories of the event at the Korle shrine house, but a brief, revealing passage does appear in an American report on the antimalaria campaign: “The application of larvicide to [lagoon] areas was strongly resented by the local native population who associated a high religious significance to these lagoons . . . [but the] natives [were] placated through negotiation by British authorities with the African chiefs.”
This passage offers evidence that the residents of Accra were quite aware of the impact of a citywide spraying campaign and were concerned about encroachment on their sacred spaces, but it shows how colonial indirect rule allowed the British to curry favour with local chiefs as a way of disenfranchising the religious authorities of the city. How exactly the British appeased the chiefs is unknown, but it probably involved sums of money to pay for the temporary rights to spray the lagoon, distributed in a manner that would allay resistance to the campaign. It so happened that the antimalaria campaign occurred during a period of fierce stool disputes among the Ga subchiefs in the city, a time when the priestly stool of Korle stood vacant. The Ga indigenous understanding of health and healing in the city remained firmly in place, but the figureheads who championed the social health of the Ga, and the environmental health of the paramount gods, were temporarily absent. Without traditional leadership, and under conditions of martial law, the residents of the city must have struggled to voice their concerns about the spraying campaign.
Memories of the antimalaria campaign during the Hitler War
The ascent of bio-power during the antimalaria campaign barely registers within the collective memories of the residents of Accra. The oral history of the event is difficult to collect because so few veterans of the “Hitler War” remain. Nonetheless, many ex-soldiers did remember basic elements of the Malaria Control Group operations, such as being locked in their barracks while the Americans sprayed their buildings, forced to take yellow mosquito tablets, and ordered to dig through riverbeds with iron bars and rakes. However, only a few of them recalled anything about the war on mosquitoes conducted by Ribbands and his colleagues, a surprising gap the collective memory considering the extent of the campaign.
Those who did recall the mosquito traps expressed resentment about how inhumanely the human bait was treated. Otia Badu, a Ga veteran who fought in Burma, remembered that soldiers were forced to sleep in the traps as punishment if they disobeyed orders. Badu himself never slept in the tent, managing to get guard duty in the camp when he faced disciplinary measures. Choosing to sleep in the tents was a death sentence, he claimed, because everyone who slept there is now dead. Badu recalled that British officers forced African soldiers to test “mosquito capes,” overcoats with holes in the cloth that were covered with sticky glue to trap insects. According to Badu, the soldiers were ordered to wear the capes when they went out at night as a way of attracting and collecting mosquitoes, but there is no evidence of such attire in the military records. Another former member of the Gold Coast Regiment, Oblitey Commey, stated that all of the “northerners” who slept in the traps must have died shortly afterward because they had “challenged their spirits” by giving in to their colonial masters. At the end of his interview, Commey declared that if the British had wanted to catch mosquitoes, they should have slept in the traps themselves. Yet another veteran indicated that the residents of Accra were not happy to see their homes doused in chemicals and that during the campaign rumours circulated that the British were trying to poison the local population. But all of the veterans emphasised that, despite the inhumane treatment the Gold Coast subjects faced during the Hitler War, no one dared to challenge the authority of their officers. As retired soldier John Borketey bluntly asserted, resistance was never an option: “Whatever they tell you, you do it. Colonial days. You have no choice.”
Apart from the recollections of a handful of elderly veterans, memories of the antimalaria campaign within the general population of Accra are sparse. No one at the Korle shrine has any recollection of Allied airplanes dousing the lagoon with DDT, and people living in the older quarters of Accra have forgotten the story of the antimalaria campaign. Even at Nima, the suburb that likely provided the migrant workers used as human bait, religious leaders and elders have no recollection of the spraying campaign, the mosquito traps, or even the evacuation of their suburb. As a way point for migrants from points north of Accra, Nima has always had a transient population, but it is still surprising that no one remembers the campaign. Considering that the residents of Accra rioted against British attempts to fill the reservoir at Bukom in 1889 and stoned the plague-fighting crew that tried to demolish houses at Ussher Town during Simpson’s anti-plague programme, it is difficult to believe that the residents of Nima simply walked away from their settlement to accommodate the one-mile cordon sanitaire.
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How Nana Butler took down exploitative Management Committees

The year was 1993, and the destination was Australia. Down Under, the Black Satellites—Ghana’s exceptionally gifted Under-20 national team—were busy treating the footballing world to a masterclass. They ran, they tackled, they outclassed England, and they fought their way to a historic silver medal. But while the players were leaving their blood and sweat on the pitch in Sydney, an entirely different, much more lucrative sport was being played in the VIP lounges and luxury hotel rooms.
It was the ancient, revered African art of “Management Allowance Harvesting.”
Upon the team’s return, the newly appointed Ghana Football Association (GFA) Chairman, Samuel Nana Brew-Butler, glanced at the tournament’s financial ledgers. What he discovered was a mathematical miracle that would baffle even the finest economists.
The Management Committee, heavily populated by suit-wearing, brief-case-wielding officials under the leadership of Paul Kunke, had pulled off a breathtaking victory. They didn’t win a trophy, but they had comprehensively defeated the actual athletes in the per diem stakes. The officials had taken home significantly more money in allowances than the young boys who had spent 90 minutes sweating under the blistering Australian sun.
Faced with a squad of administrators who clearly possessed a higher “strike rate” at the bank than the strikers did on the field, Nana Butler did the only logical thing. He took a giant administrative sledgehammer and completely dissolved all the GFA Management Committees.
The True “Strikers” of Ghana Football
To understand the sheer genius of the Kunke-led management committee, one must appreciate the sheer physical exertion required to be a football official in the 1990s.
While a player like Augustine Ahinful or Samuel Osei Kuffour only had to worry about running several kilometres, avoiding bone-crushing tackles, and scoring goals against Brazil, the management committee faced far more hazardous perils. There were heavy per diem envelopes to be lifted. There were grueling, five-star buffet lunches to navigate. There was the exhausting psychological stress of checking whether the hotel’s air conditioning was set to the perfect ambient temperature.
Is it any wonder, then, that the administrative “allowance-to-sweat ratio” was heavily skewed toward the boardroom? The players were running on patriotism and the promise of future glory; the officials were running on high-grade, cold, hard foreign currency. Rumour has it that the officials’ wallets were so heavy they required their own tactical formations just to be carried through airport customs.
The Butler Cleans House
When Nana Brew-Butler took over the reins of the GFA, he brought with him a revolutionary, almost bizarre philosophy: that football money should actually have something to do with the people playing football.
When the financial reports from the 1993 World Youth Championship landed on his desk, the numbers told a hilarious story. The management committee had apparently operated under the assumption that they were the primary entertainment act, and the eleven players on the pitch were merely their opening warm-up band.
Recognising that Ghana’s real footballing talent was sitting in the committee rooms engineering per diem payouts rather than scoring goals, Butler struck. In a swift, unceremonious purge, he dissolved the committees, effectively telling the suits that if they wanted to earn that much money from football, they should buy some boots, practice their step-overs, and try making the squad for the next tournament.
It was a dark day for administrative freeloaders across the capital. For a brief moment in Ghanaian history, the ecosystem was thrown out of balance: the players were treated as heroes, and the committee members were forced to look at their bank accounts and reflect on the tragic loss of their premium per diems.
A Timeless Legacy
Decades later, the ghost of Australia ’93 still hovers over Ghanaian football. Nana Butler’s mass dissolution remains a golden, satirical benchmark for how to deal with the eternal affliction of “Committee-itis”—a disease where the number of officials on a plane outnumbers the players, and where the budget for official blazers exceeds the budget for training kits.
The lesson from 1993 remains clear: if you allow the suits to score more heavily than the boots, you will eventually find yourself with an empty trophy cabinet and a very wealthy boardroom. Cheers to Nana Butler, the man who reminded the nation that football is played with a leather ball on grass, not with a calculator in a five-star hotel.
By Emmanuel Amponsah
The writer is a former Editor of The Spectator
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Agona West MP supports Swedru School of Business with mono desks

Member of Parliament for Agona West, Ernestina Ofori Dangbey, has donated mono desks to the Swedru School of Business (SWESBUS) as part of efforts to improve education infrastructure in the constituency.
Presenting the desks on Tuesday, the MP said the intervention is aimed at addressing some of the infrastructural challenges facing the school and enhancing the learning experience of students.

“Investing in Education, Investing in Our Future. Yesterday, I presented mono desks to the Swedru School of Business as part of my ongoing efforts to strengthen the educational system in Agona West,” she stated.
“Every student deserves a conducive environment in which to learn, grow and achieve their full potential. This intervention is therefore aimed at helping address some of the infrastructural needs of the school and improving the learning experience of our students.”
Madam Ofori Dangbey reaffirmed her commitment to supporting schools in Agona West and creating opportunities for young people in the area.
“I remain committed to supporting our schools and creating opportunities for the young people of Agona West. Agona West Will Continue to Rise,” she added.
By Edem Mensah-Tsotorme




